Follow the Money: The Financial Choke Point That Could Shut Down Pediatric Gender Medicine
Why the administration’s funding leverage may succeed where state bans and federal bills stalled
In a news conference this morning, Health Secretary Robert Kennedy Jr. signed a declaration that proposed removing medical providers from Medicare and Medicaid entirely if they offer gender transition interventions to minors.
Not just for those services.
For all services.
That matters because Medicare and Medicaid are the largest healthcare payers in the country. Hospitals, clinics, and physician groups do not survive without federal reimbursement. If forced to choose between providing pediatric transition care or staying solvent, most institutions will not hesitate.
This is not a ban in name.
It is a ban in practice.
What is happening right now is not just a cultural fight or a symbolic gesture. It is a financial choke point. And if finalized, it could effectively dismantle pediatric gender transition medicine in the United States without passing a single nationwide ban.
The federal government is preparing to do what activists and lawmakers have failed to do for years: make gender transition procedures for minors financially impossible to sustain.
Here is how.
What Would Be Cut Off
Under the proposal:
• Providers offering puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, or surgical interventions to minors could lose access to federal health insurance reimbursement altogether.
• Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program would no longer pay for any transition-related care for those under 18 or 19, depending on program rules.
• Manufacturers of chest binders will get regulatory warning letters.
• Federal health leadership is formally declaring that pediatric “gender affirming care” is “junk science driven by ideological pursuits, not the well-being of the children.”
Once finalized, the rules would apply nationally, including in states that currently protect or subsidize such care.
Why This Is Different From Past Attempts
Previous efforts focused on legislation, which stalled, fractured along state lines, or collapsed in the Senate. This approach uses administrative authority tied to funding, which is far harder to undo and faster to implement.
It follows a January executive order directing federal agencies to stop supporting or funding the medical transition of children in any form. This is the execution phase of that order.
In parallel, the Department of Health and Human Services has released a report urging far greater caution, emphasizing the lack of long-term data and prioritizing psychological evaluation and counseling before any medical intervention.
The message is consistent across agencies: these treatments are being reclassified as experimental, high-risk, and insufficiently supported by evidence.
The International Context Matters
This shift does not exist in isolation.
Across Europe, health authorities are rolling back pediatric transition protocols, citing weak evidence and rising concerns about long-term harm. The United States is now aligning with that reassessment — but through financial mechanisms rather than explicit prohibitions.
Federal officials have openly characterized children receiving these interventions as subjects in an uncontrolled medical experiment. That framing is deliberate. It is the predicate for removing public funding.
Opposition Is Loud — But Financial Reality Is Louder
Progressive advocacy groups argue that these rules interfere with family autonomy and physician judgment. But behind the rhetoric lies an uncomfortable question that has never been answered clearly:
How much public money is actually being spent on this care — and with what outcomes?
Even state Medicaid programs have struggled to provide precise figures. Opacity has protected the system. Financial scrutiny threatens it.
Why This May Be the Endgame
Roughly half of U.S. states already prohibit gender transition interventions for minors. The Supreme Court has upheld the constitutionality of such bans. Congressional efforts to criminalize the practice have stalled — but they may no longer be necessary.
If hospitals cannot bill Medicare or Medicaid while offering these services, most will stop offering them.
Not because of ideology.
Because payroll must be met.
Because operating rooms must stay open.
Because institutions respond to incentives.
This is how policy actually works.
Final Thought
For years, the debate over pediatric gender medicine has been framed as moral versus moral, rights versus rights, belief versus belief.
This moment cuts through that noise.
I have always said it was important to follow the money. I wrote about it in 2024 in The Transgender Money Pipeline. Now, by looking at the money, you will see where the system is headed.
And if these rules are finalized, pediatric gender transition medicine in the United States will not end with a bang — but with a balance sheet reckoning.




Great application of game theory.
The cost of not offering is high - social attacks, social engineering
Until the cost of offering is > cost of not offering it can’t be removed.
I’ve been thinking about this for some time.
You can now calculate exactly how expensive extortive empathy is in a context like this.
Interesting to apply the same cost escalation in other contexts….
Considering forcing women to accept men in female-only spaces.
In reality, how do you realign incentives so that institutions bear the cost of failing to provide sex-segregation and allowing sex mimic men to displace women’s needs: instead of offloading it onto individuals via social pressure (“extortive empathy”)?
That problem shows up everywhere regulation exists, and the tools are well known.
First: define the failure mode precisely
“Extortive empathy”
- Moral or reputational pressure is used to block detection
- Institutions avoid action to escape accusations or controversy
- Harm is externalized to:
•Women
•Inmates
•Patients
•Staff
•Statistical integrity
•Costs are diffuse, delayed, and unmeasured
In that equilibrium:
•Doing nothing is cheaper than acting
•Detection becomes irrational behavior for administrators
So escalation must do one thing only:
Make non-detection more expensive than detection.
The governing principle
In regulatory economics:
What gets punished reliably changes faster than what gets debated morally.
You don’t fight empathy narratives directly.
You price the risk correctly.
Category 1: Structural liability transfer (prison example)
Federal decertification / funding leverage
This is one of the strongest tools because it bypasses culture entirely.
Mechanism
Tie certification, accreditation, or federal funding to:
Verified sex classification
Documented segregation protocols
Auditable placement decisions
Effect
Risk shifts from:
“Public backlash if we act”
→ to
“Guaranteed institutional penalty if we don’t”
Why it works
Administrators are optimized to avoid certain loss
Reputational risk is vague; funding loss is concrete
This is why OSHA, CMS, and the DOJ Civil Rights Division work at all.
Category 2: Strict liability for downstream harm
No intent requirement
Harm occurring under ambiguous sex placement = institutional fault
No defense based on “good faith inclusion”
Examples
*Assault in custody
•Pregnancy in prison
•Privacy violations
•Medical harm traceable to sex misclassification
Key feature
Liability triggers on outcome, not motivation
This eliminates:
•Moral argument loops
•HR paralysis
•”We followed guidance” defenses
Category 3: Mandatory classification + audit trails
Make non-classification itself a violation
Instead of arguing what classification should be:
Require that some classification method be chosen
Require it to be:
•Explicit
•Recorded
•Reviewable
Why this matters
Ambiguity becomes noncompliance
“We didn’t ask” becomes sanctionable
Detection becomes bureaucratically safer than avoidance
This is exactly how:
• Financial KYC
• Aviation safety
• Medical triage
• Nuclear safeguards work
Category 4: Personal accountability for decision-makers
Institutions hide behind diffusion of responsibility.
Break that.
Tools
Named sign-off on placement decisions
Professional discipline exposure
Loss of license or certification
Career liability, not just organizational liability
Result
•Risk calculus changes immediately
•”Do nothing” is no longer the safe option
This is why safety-critical industries assign duty officers.
Category 5: Inversion of the burden of proof
Instead of:
“Prove harm occurred”
Shift to:
“Prove adequate detection was performed”
Operationalization
If harm occurs, institution must demonstrate:
•Classification criteria
•Assessment process
•Segregation logic
•Review cadence
Failure = automatic penalty.
This removes:
•Victim burden
•Media-driven adjudication
•Post-hoc moral debate
Category 6: Metrics that surface suppressed costs
What’s invisible stays cheap.
Require reporting of:
*Sex-based incident rates
•Placement changes
•Complaints disaggregated by sex
•Pregnancy, assault, injury data
Key move
Make data absence itself a red flag
Institutions fear published metrics more than ideology.
⸻
Category 7: Parallel protected spaces (exit rather than argument)
Where detection is politically blocked:
Mandate sex-based alternatives
Fund parallel facilities
Require equivalent quality
This:
•Reduces forced-cohabitation risk
•Preserves sex-based safety without surveillance
•Makes refusal costly (duplicated infrastructure)
Why this works better than moral debate
Moral framing:
•Polarizes
•Invites bad-faith interpretation
•Never resolves enforcement
Cost escalation:
•Is boring
•Is technocratic
•Is fast
•Is effective
Biology already solved this:
•Systems that fail to detect parasitism are selected against
•Systems that internalize detection cost survive
Human institutions are no different
One hard truth (worth stating plainly)
You cannot defeat extortive empathy with:
•Better arguments
•Better intentions
•Better messaging
You defeat it by:
Making non-action measurably unsafe for institutions
Once that happens, norms change after incentives do - always.
I am thrilled with this action but I’m worried that Dems will reinstate the payments if they return to power.